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United  (Eonfciierate  Beterana 


3ftt  Uritalt:  of  / _ • 

^mis  of  dUmfrforat? 
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utyuntas  Hjtlntt  Bisson 
fHiaBtaatppt 

ftnmiim 

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Urtmma 

v» 

iHentpljta,  uJcnneaaer 
June  ilt4,  1909  ; 


THOMAS  UPTON  SISSON 

MEMBER  OF  CONGRESS  FROM  MISSISSIPPI 
MEMBER  CAMP  N.  B FORREST  No.  215,  U.  S.  C.  V. 
MEMPHIS.  TENN. 


ST* 


Kbbmm  of  <Sr^rtitt0 

3mm  Bum  of  Urtmna 


Hg  Sfom  udjomao  Upton  Bxmutt 

Reunion,  Memphis,  Tenn.,  June  9,  1909. 

Mr.  Commander,  Confederate  Veterans  and  Ladies  and  Gen- 
tlemen : 

Is  thank  my  friend,  John  W.  Apperson,  for  this  generous  and 
kind  introduction  to  this  magnificent  presence.  He  is  always 
generous,  but  he  is  too  generous  to  me.  This  very  pleasing 
honor  has  been  conferred  upon  me  by  him,  as  Commander  of 
the  Sons  of  Confederate  Veterans,  to  deliver  to  the  Veterans 
the  annual  greetings  of  the  Sons. 

This  is  to  me  a pleasant  task.  I delight  to  pay  tribute  to 
courage  and  to  heroism,  and  I feel  this  moment  that  I am 
standing  in  the  presence  of  what  remains  of  as  brave  a sol- 
diery as  ever  graced  a field  or  bore  an  arm. 

But,  with  your  permission,  I shall  not  on  this  occasion  dis- 
cuss your  valor  or  your  courage.  The  history  of  the  courage 
of  the  Southern  soldier  is  safe.  It  is  written  in  blood  on  vic- 
torious battlefields  against  great  and  terrible  odds.  Nor  shall 
I discuss  the  righteousness  of  your  cause,  for  whether  the 
principles  for  which  you  fought  were  right  is  written  in  the 
pages  of  Congressional  history*  and  the  decisions  of  the  courts 
for  a century,  and  the  true  historian  in  years  to  come,  when 
all  passion  and  prejudice  shall  have  passed  away,  will  look 
back  upon  these  cold  facts  and  will  tell  the  truth. 

It  would  be  but  a repetition  for  me  to  recount  how  the 
South  contended  that  the  Federal  compact,  was  formed  by 
sovereign  States,  and  how  the  reserved  powers  of  the  States 
were  always  adhered  to  by  New  England,  and  how  she  repeat- 
edly threatened  to  break  up  the  Union  whenever  any  legisla- 
tion did  not  suit  her.  Nor  shall  I be  guilty  of  repeating  oft- 
told  and  admitted  history  by  recounting  how  that  in  the  very 
foundation  of  our  free  and  voluntary  compact  of  sovereign 
States  there  was  sectional  strife  and  discard;  and  how  it  ap- 
peared in  the  very  convention  called  to  form  the  Union;  nor 
how,  at  the  time  African  slavery  was  at  its  height,  and  negroes 
were  bought  by  Southern  people,  but  sold  to  them  by  New 


England;  nor  how  and  why  the  right  to  bring  slaves  into  the 
United  States  was  given  to  New  England  until  1808;  and 
how  New  England  insisted  upon  this,  or  they  would  not  go 
into  the  Union;  and  how  the  South,  especially  Virginia,  re- 
luctantly agreed  to  it;  and  how  it  was  immediately  after  the 
adoption  of  the  Constitution  that  hundreds  of  New  England 
slave  ships  were  fitted  out  with  New  England  capital  and  put 
into  the  infamous  slave  trade  for  gain;  and  how  the  balance 
of  power  was  then  equal,  and  neither  section  had  any  advan- 
tage of  the  other;  and  how  New  England,  when  the  outrageous 
slave  traffic  was  abolished,  then  clamored  to  have  slavery 
abolished;  and  how,  after  the  formation  of  the  Union,  the 
great  State  of  Virginia,  because  of  the  complaint  of  New  Eng- 
land, voluntarily,  in  order  that  we  might  have  peace,  surren- 
dered of  her  own  fair  domain  to  the  United  States,  as  common 
property  of  all,  the  territory  now  embraced  in  the  great  States 
of  Kentucky,  Ohio,  Indiana,  Illinois,  Wisconsin,  Michigan  and 
a part  of  Minnesota;  and  how  the  South  was  a leading  spirit 
in  the  Revolution  and  in  the  formation  of  the  Constitution; 
and  what  great  sacrifices  she  made  for  the  common  cause; 
and  how  the  Southern  people  were  denied  the  right  to  move 
into  these  territories  with  their  property;  and  how  many  con- 
cessions the  South  made,  one  after  the  other,  to  have  peace 
and  preserve  the  Union;  and  how  John  Brown  incited  the 
slave  to  open  rebellion  and  murder  in  the  South;  and  how, 
finally,  when  no  compromise  further  would  be  granted,  be- 
cause the  Republican  party  had  been  successful  in  electing  a 
President,  the  South  saw  that  she  could  no  longer  hope  to 
live  in  peace  with  her  neighbors,  as  a last  resort,  exercised 
that  undenied  and  unquestioned  constitutional  right  to  with- 
draw from  the  Union:  and  how  it  was  that  there  was  not  a 
soldier  nor  a dollar  that  could  be  voted  by  Congress,  even 
after  the  Southern  delegations  had  withdrawn,  to  coerce  these 
States,  until,  by  design,  they  forced  South  Carolina  to  fire 
upon  Fort  Sumpter;  and  how  on  every  battlefield  the  South 
maintained  the  struggle  until  overpowered  by  overwhelming 
numbers,  she  was  crushed  and  starved  into  submission. 

All  these  things,  I say,  are  questions  for  the  historian  of 
the  future  to  settle,  and  are  questions  which  I will  not  at  this 
time  discuss.  You  can  abide  the  result  and  rest  confident  that 
when  the  fair  minds  of  the  future  historian  shall  write  that 
history,  that  your  names  will  not  suffer.  All  the  powers  of 
earth  cannot  suppress  the  truth.  It  will  be  told.  All  this 
portion  of  our  history,  I say,  is  safe. 

But  there  is  a side  of  our  Southern  life  and  character  which 


2 


is  grossly  misrepresented,  and  it  is  my  purpose  today  to  do 
what  I tried  to  do  at  Birmingham  last  year,  and  at  Dallas  the 
year  before — set  the  South  before  the  country  commercially 
as  she  really  was  in  1860.  It  is  urged  and  currently  believed 
by  many  that  the  South  before  the  war  was  the  home  of  idle- 
ness, and  that  our  white  people  were  thriftless  and  lazy,  and 
were  dependent  on  slave  labor  and  were  far  behind  New  Eng- 
land in  wealth  and  prosperity.  Such  is  not  the  case,  as  can 
be  demonstrated  by  the  facts. 

One  fact  is  true,  the  South  has  been  less  given  to  vaunting 
and  boasting  her  own  achievements,  and  the  world  at  large 
is  not  informed  as  to  what  she  has  accomplished. 

I want  the  sons  and  daughters  of  the  South  to  know  the 
facts.  Great  as  has  been  the  record  of  the  South’s  fathers 
and  mothers  in  war,  renowned  as  has  been  her  statesmen  in 
statescraft,  it  has  been  equally  great  in  business  thrift,  energy 
and  enterprise. 

Cold  Facts. 

Cold  facts  and  statistics  are  usually  not  interesting  to  me, 
but  these  figures  which  I shall  give  you,  taken  from  govern- 
mental and  reliable  sources,  are  as  entrancing  as  a romance, 
because  they  are  a complete  vindication  of  my  forefathers, 
and  give  the  lie  to  every  sentiment  and  word  spoken  against 
our  fathers’  and  mothers’  energy  and  enterprise  and  business 
ability. 

In  1860,  the  South  had  only  about  one-third  of  the  popula- 
tion of  the  Union.  The  total  population  was,  in  round  num- 
bers, 31,000,000,  and  of  this  number  only  six  and  one-half  mil- 
lions were  white,  and  the  balance  were  black;  that  is  to  say, 
the  South  had  onlv  about  one-fifth  of  the  total  white  popu- 
lation. I would  like  for  you  ladies  and  gentlemen  to  bear 
this  in  mind  while  we  look  at  the  record. 

I had  occasion  to  reply  to  a member  of  the  House  of  Repre- 
sentatives from  Kansas,  who  accused  the  Southern  people  of 
“not  having  been  in  the  field  of  toil,”  and  urged  us  “to  take 
our  traditions  in  hand  and  go  to  the  field  of  toil  and  learn  to 
develop  our  rich  land.”  The  figures  which  I had  before  pre- 
pared were  set  before  him,  and  I have  not  yet  heard  him 
reply. 

A Gentleman  from  the  Floor:  “I  want  to  call  the  gentle- 
man to  order.  The  by-laws  of  our  organization  do  not  permit 
a political  speech.” 

Mr.  Sisson:  “I  assure  the  gentleman  that  I am  not  going 
to  make  a political  speech,  but  it  is  my  purpose  to  relieve 


3 


the  memory  of,  my  father  and  his  comrades  of  an  outrageous 
slander,  and  if  I should  ever  cowardly  fail  on  the  floor  of  the 
American  Congress,  or  anywhere  else,  when  the  honor  or  good 
name  of  any  of  these  noble  veterans  is  assailed,  to  endeavor 
with  all  the  earnestness  of  my  soul  to  vindicate  them,  may 
my  tongue  cleave  to  the  roof  of  my  mouth  and  my  right  arm 
fall  palsied  to  my  side.  ’ ’ 

(This  reply  was  received  with  prolonged  applause,  and  there 
was  no  further  interruption. ) 

Now,  ladies  and  gentlemen,  to  begin  where  I was  inter- 
rupted, these  figures  which  I shall  now  give  you  are  more  elo- 
quent than  any  words  and  more  beautiful  than  the  most 
sublime  poetry.  Young  ladies  and  gentlemen,  our  fathers 
and  mothers  are  accused,  before  the  Civil  War,  of  being 
idlers.  Will  you  hear  the  facts! 

Let  us  compare  the  crops  of  the  South  with  all  the  balance 
of  the  Union. 

In  1860,  the  South,  in  round  numbers,  raised  45,000,000 
bushels  of  wheat,  and  all  the  balance  of  the  Union  raised,  in 
round  numbers,  125,0000,000  bushels  of  wheat — and  the  South 
is  not  considered  a wheat  country. 

In  1860,  the  South  raised  358,000,000  bushels  of  corn,  and 
all  the  balance  of  the  country  only  raised  472,297,000  bushels 
— and  the  South  is  not  considered  a corn  country. 

In  1860,  the  value  of  live  stock  in  the  South  was  $468,000,- 
000,  and  all  the  balance  of  the  country  $640,000,000 — and  the 
South  never  claimed  to  be  a live  stock  country. 

In  1860,  the  South  produced  12,500,000  pounds  of  wool,  and 
all  the  balance  of  the  country  48,000,000  pounds — and  the 
South  was  not  a wool  country. 

In  1860,  the  value  of  the  animals  slaughtered  in  the  South 
was  $85,000,000,  and  all  the  balance  of  the  country  was  $128,- 
500,000 — and  the  South  was  not  an  animal  country. 

In  1860,  the  South  raised  351,500,000  pounds  of  tobacco, 
and  the  balance  of  the  country  raised  77,000,000  pounds. 

In  1860,  the  South  raised  187,000,000  pounds  of  rice,  and  the 
balance  of  the  country  none. 

In  1860,  the  South  produced  302,000,000  pounds  of  sugar, 
and  the  balance  of  the  country  none. 

In  1860,  the  South  raised  38,000,000  bushels  of  sweet  pota- 
toes, and  the  balance  of  the  country  3,000,000  bushels. 

In  1860,  the  South  raised  5,196,000  bales  of  cotton,  and  the 
balance  of  the  country  none. 

There  were  many  other  valuable  crops  produced,  besides 
the  ones  named,  but  these  will  convince  our  critics  that,  with 


about  one-fifth  of  the  white  population,  and*  less  than  one- 
third  of  the  territory,  we  produced  over  40  per  cent,  of  the 
corn,  over  25  per  cent,  of  the  wheat,  over  40  per  cent,  of  the 
live  stock,  over  20  per  cent,  of  the  wool,  over  40  per  cent,  of 
the  animals  slaughtered,  practically  all  of  the  tobacco,  all  of 
the  rice,  all  of  the  sugar,  and  all  of  the  cotton. 

This  is  a marvelous  showing  in  energy,  in  enterprise  and 
progress,  even  if  we  had  never  put  a cent  in  railroads  and 
manufacturing. 

Other  Enterprises. 

The  South  had,  in  1860,  begun  in  earnest  to  build  cotton 
factories,  and  had  invested,  prior  to  that  year,  over  $12,000,- 
000  in  cotton  factories. 

She,  in  the  ten  years  from  1850  to  1860,  had  more  than 
doubled  her  milling  industries,  and  in  1860  had  invested  $45,- 
000,000. 

She  had  also  doubled  her  sawmills  and  their  output  in  the 
same  period. 

In  1860,  the  South  had  9,987  miles  of  railroads,  and  the  New 
England  and  Middle  States  had  9,510;  that  is,  the  South  had 
387  more  miles  than  the  other  two  sections  combined. 

The  South,  in  other  words,  invested  over  $300,000,000  of, 
her  own  money  in  railroads,  prior  to  and  including  the  year 
1860. 

These  are  the  facts  of  the  history  of  the  industrious,  happy 
and  prosperous  South  in  1860.  With  all  of  this  mighty  ex- 
penditure of  energy  she  had,  in  addition  to  all  this,  paid  New 
England  millions  of  dollars  for  slaves.  But,  to  exclude  the 
negro  as  property,  the  South  was,  in  1860,  the  richest  portion 
of  the  Union.  If  the  slave  is  included  as  property,  then,  in- 
deed, New  England  sutlers  by  the  comparison. 

What  a beautiful  outlook  the  happy  South  had.  Proud  and 
full  of  heroic  courage,  with  capacity  for  business  not  sur- 
passed by  any  people  on  earth.  The  most  unselfish  portion 
of  the  Union.  Devoted  to  the  Constitution  and  to 
constitutional  liberty,  she  asked  no  special  privileges  and 
wanted  no  other  portion  of  the  Union  to  have  any.  She  has. 
always  stood  for  fair  play.  She  was  too  proud  and  too  hon- 
est to  ask,  as  New  England  did,  for  any  special  privileges  over 
her  sisters,  her  partners  in  the  Union. 

After  hearing  these  facts,  can  you  not  rise  now,  oh,  sons  and 
daughters  of  the  South,  and  look  the  whole  world  in  the  face, 
and  proclaim,  with  pride  of  ancestry,  that  our  mothers  and 
fathers,  in  addition  to  being  the  bravest,  most  hospitable  and 


5 


brainiest  people  on  earth,  were  the  most  energetic  and  thrifty? 
You  can  say  this  and  say  it  truthfully,  for  it  is  true.  The 
South  did  all  this  without  any  special  privileges,  without 
being  favored  by  law.  All  that  New  England  had  then,  all 
she  has  now,  has  been  obtained  by  special  legislation  for  her 
benefit,  at  the  expense  of  the  balance  of  the  country.  We 
have  been  compelled  by  law  to  buy  her  books  and  trinkets 
and  wares  and  merchandise,  at  exorbitant  prices,  because, 
by  law,  we  could  not  purchase  these  manufactured  articles 
elsewhere.  So  the  South  not  only  made  a fortune  for  herself, 
but  made  so  much  that  we  could  divide  with  New  England, 
and  make  her  rich,  too. 

Further  Comparison. 

Let  us  again  refer  to  some  facts.  Did  you  know  that  in 
1860  over  30  per  cent,  of  all  the  banking  capital  of  the  Union 
was  in  the  South?  Did  you  know  that  the  combined  wealth 
of  Maine,  New  Hampshire,  Vermont  and  Rhode  Island,  in 
1860,  was  not  equal  to  the  wealth  of  the  single  State  of  Geo- 
gia?  Did  you  know  that  Mississippi,  that  year,  was  richer 
than  Connecticut  by  over  $160,000,000?  Did  you  know  that 
South  Carolina  was  richer  than  the  combined  wealth  of  New 
Jersey,  Vermont  and  Rhode  Island?  Did  you  know  that  the 
per  capita  wealth,  in  1860,  if  you  include  the  negro  as  prop- 
erty and  exclude  him  from  the  population,  of  every  Southern 
State  far  outranked  every  State  in  the  North?  Did  you  know 
that,  to  include  the  negro  in  the  population,  the  per  capita 
wealth  of  the  Southern  States,  even  then,  far  outranked  the 
other  portions  of  the  Union?  From  a comparison  of  wealth 
on  this  basis  in  1860,  which  is  an  unfair  one  against  the  South, 
for  she  paid  New  England  for  the  slaves,  but  even  then  South 
Carolina  stood  third,  Mississippi  fourth,  Massachusetts  fifth, 
Louisiana  sixth,  Georgia  seventh,  Florida  eighth,  Kentucky 
ninth,  Alabama  tenth,  Texas  eleventh,  New  Jersey  twelfth, 
Maryland  thirteenth,  Tennessee  fourteenth,  Arkansas  fif- 
teenth, Virginia  sixteenth,  and  New  York  twenty-second  and 
Pennsylvania  thirtieth.  Thus  the  South  stood  ahead  of  all 
the  other  sections  of  the  Union  in  1860. 

Civil  War. 

Then  came  the  terrible  war — a war  of  destruction.  Her  fair 
fields  and  homes  were  left  in  desolation.  Her  ports  were 
closed.  The  flower  of  her  manhood — a country’s  greatest 
wealth,  died  on  the  field  of  battle.  She  was  left  prostrate, 
bleeding  and  torn.  All  the  accumulations  of  her  people’s  toil 
was  literally  destroyed. 


Tlie  figures  are  more  eloquent  than  words.  The  total 
amount  of  property  in  the  United  States,  as  shown  by  the 
assessment  rolls  in  1860,  was  a little  less  than  $12,000,000,000. 
Of  this  the  South  had  over  $5,000,000,000,  or  about  45  per  cent, 
of  all  the  property  of  the  United  States,  and  in  1870  her  prop- 
erty was  assessed  at  about  $3,000,000,000,  showing  a total  loss 
in  ten  years  of  over  $2,000,000,000. 

Think  of  it,  ladies  and  gentlemen,  with  a little  over  20  per 
cent,  of  the  population  of  the  Union,  and  less  than  one-tlnrd 
of  the  territory  then  occupied  in  the  United  States,  these  mar- 
velous mothers  and  fathers  of  the  South  had  amassed  45  per 
cent,  of  all  the  wealth  of  this  vast  republic.  In  business  abil- 
ity our  fathers  and  mothers  made  a New  England  Yankee 
“look  like  30  cents.” 

What  can  be  a more  complete  vindication  of  our  standing, 
financially,  than  these  cold  and  incontrovertible  facts?  I 
want  our  sons  and  daughters  in  all  the  schools  of  the  South 
to  know  these  facts.  I am  the  son  of  a private  Confederate 
soldier,  who  followed  the  fortunes  of  that  wizard  of  the  sad- 
dle, Nathan  Bedford  Forrest,  and  I will  ever  cherish  it  as  a 
sacred  recollection,  that  his  comrades  in  arms  say  that  he 
made  a good  and  brave  soldier.  He  lies  now  in  a little  quiet 
cemetery  down  in  Attala  County,  Mississippi,  and  over  his 
grave  I have  erected  a little  plain  shaft  of  pure  white  marble. 
On  its  side  I have  carved  the  simple  words : “ An  honest  man, 
and  a good  Confederate  soldier.” 

He  deserved  this,  and  I am  as  proud  of  him  and  his  obscure 
record  as  if  he  had  swayed  senates  or  commanded  mighty 
armies.  I cherish  this  heritage  more  than  a great  fortune. 
It  is  a fortune  for  any  young  man  to  know  that  as  a private 
in  the  most  heroic  army  that  ever  took  up  arms,  in  defense 
of  so  righteous  a cause,  his  father  made  a good  and  brave 
soldier,  doing  his  full  duty,  without  pay,  without  complaint. 
I shall  always  be  true  to  his  memory,  and  shall  always  de- 
fend the  cause  for  which  he  fought.  I have  no  patience  with 
some  of  our  modern  young  men  who  blush  when  his  Confed- 
erate father  is  spoken  of,  and  begin  with  excuses  and  apolo- 
gies. I have  none  to  make.  I accept  the  result  as  my  father 
did.  I accept  the  result  as  the  brave  Confederate  soldier 
does — absolutely.  Our  faces  are  turned  to  the  future,  but 
this  does  not,  nor  shall  it,  prevent  our  looking  with  pride  to 
the  past.  If  we  are  true  men,  we  will  look  after  the  past  to 
see  that  the  truth  is  known  of  our  fathers  and  mothers.  This 
is  my  justification  for  going  back  to  1860,  and  showing  a con- 
dition, not  generally  known,  that  the  South  was,  in  wealth 


7 


as  well  as  education  and  refinement,  the  most  advanced  por- 
tion of  our  country. 

Ku  Klux  Klan. 

But,  young  ladies  and  gentlemen,  as  interesting  as  it  is 
to  dwell  upon  these  facts,  I want  to  call  your  attention  to  that 
which  convinced  me  more  than  the  four  years’  war  that  we 
have  the  greatest  fathers  and  mothers  on  earth. 

While  the  prostrate  South  was  staggering  under  the  blow 
of  the  Civil  War,  a more  terrible  blow  was  dealt  her  bleeding 
form  when,  in  1869,  the  Reconstruction  Act  was  passed.  Her 
problems  were  already  great,  and  her  future  dark  and  gloomy. 
But  the  spirit  of  the  South  was  not  conquered;  she  was  still 
proud  and  conscious  of  her  strength.  Then  came  this  terrible 
blow.  We  saw  the  unscrupulous  carpetbagger  organize  the 
negro,  and  her  State  capitals  converted  into  places  of  cor- 
ruption and  debauchery.  She  saw  a reign  of  bloodshed  and 
terror.  The  outlook  would  have  daunted  any  other  people 
on  earth.  Many  of  her  more  timid  citizens  left  their  native 
States  of  the  South  and  poured  into  the  great  West.  They 
could  see  no  hope.  They  gave  up  the  conflict  in  despair.  The 
problem  was  one  which  was  never  before  presented  to  any 
other  people  on  earth.  No  nation  in  all  history  was  ever 
called  upon  to  deal  with  such  a problem.  Mr.  Brice,  in  his 
American  Commonwealth,  says  that  it  was  a new  condition 
in  the  world’s  history. 

But  the  Confederate  soldier,  with  the,  same  grim  determina- 
tion displayed  on  a hundred  bloody  battlefields,  stood  erect 
and  faced  the  new  and  difficult  problems.  His  powers  of 
self-government  were  put  to  the  severest  test  in  all  the  world ’s 
history.  With  an  overwhelming  black  majority,  hacked  up  by 
the  bayonets  of  a victorious  and  powerful  nation  to  defend 
their  right  to  rule  by  sheer  force  of  numbers,  these  heroes, 
our  fathers,  were  confronted.  The  future  presented  more  ter- 
rors than  did  the  bloodv  conflict  out  of  which  they  had  just 
passed.  A Union  soldier  was  armed  at  almost  every  white 
man’s  door  in  the  South  to  prevent  his  throwing  off  this  yoke. 
Her  capacity  and  courage  were  here  tested  in  the  fire.  To 
submit  meant  degradation,  dishonor  and  shame;  to  flee  from 
his  native  land,  bought  with  the  blood  of,  his  ancestors,  was 
base  cowardice;  to  resist  openly  meant  imprisonment  and 
death.  There  was  one  course  left — one  remedy,  and  only  one. 
The  virtue  of  his  mother,  wife,  sister  and  daughter  was  in 
the  scale.  Shall  the  step  be  taken!  Every  true  soldier  of 
the  South,  with  one  accord  and  one  voice,  said,  “Yes,  though 


8 


the  heavens  fall.”  But  who  will  lead  in  so  desperate  an  un- 
dertaking? All — if  there  is  any  hope  of  success.  But  the 
chance  to  win  was  as  no  chance  at  all,  when  compared  with 
the  confederacy  succeeding,  and  it  failed. 

* Great  and  trying  times  always  produce  great  leaders,  and 

one  was  at  hand — Nathan  Bedford  Forrest.  His  plan — the 
only  course  left  open — the  organization  of  a secret  govern- 
i ment,  a terrible  government,  a government  that  would  govern 

in  spite  of  black  majorities  and  Federal  bayonets.  This  secret 
government  was  organized  in  every  community  in  the  South, 
and  this  government  is  known  in  history  as  the  Ku  Klux  Klan. 
No  Arabian  Nights  tale,  no  legend  of  the  land  of  the  Sham- 
rock, nor  of  old  Scotia’s  wild  hills,  nor  of  Couer  de  Lion’s 
crusade  in  the  land  of  the  Moslem,  can  rival  in  heroic  courage 
and  romantic  deeds  this  “mighty  invisible  army”  of  the 
white  man  of  the  South.  Here  in  all  ages  to  come  the  South- 
ern romancer  and  poet  can  find  the  inspiration  for  fiction  and 
song.  No  nobler  or  grander  spirits  ever  assembled  on  this 
earth  than  gathered  in  these  clans.  No  human  hearts  were 
ever  moved  with  nobler  impulses  or  higher  aims  and  purposes. 
The  maintenance  of  law  and  order,  the  preservation  of  homes, 
and  the  protection  of  the  virtue  of  the  noblest  womanhood 
in  all  the  annals  of  time,  moved  these  men  to  action.  In  these 
courts  of  this-  mighty  government  there  were  no  hung  juries, 
no  laws  delayed,  no  reversals  on  senseless  technicalities  by 
any  supreme  court,  because  from  these  courts  there  was  no 
appeal,  and  punishment  was  sure  and  swift,  because  there 
was  no  executive  to  pardon.  Order  was  restored,  property 
safe,  because  the  negro  feared  the  Ku  Klux  Klan  more  than 
he  feared  the  devil.  Even  the  Federal  bayonets  could  not 
give  him  confidence  in  the  black  government  which  had  been 
established  for  him,  and  the  negro  voluntarily  surrendered 
to  the  Ku  Klux  Klan,  and  the  very  moment  he  did  the  “in- 
visible army”  vanished  in  a night.  Its  purpose  had  been  ful- 
filled. 

Bedford  Forrest  should  always  be  held  in  reverence  by 
every  son  and  daughter  of  the  South  as  long  as  memory  holds 
dear  the  noble  deeds  and  service  of  men  for  the  good  of  others 
on  this  earth.  What  mind  is  base  enough  to  think  of  what 
might  have  happened  but  for  Bedford  Forrest  and  his  “in- 
* visible”  but  victorious  army. 

“Bloody  Shirt  No  Longer.” 

There  is  not  a noble  Confederate  Veteran  that  has  ever  jus- 
tified a secret  government  as  a principle.  You  only  resorted 


9 


to  this  in  your  dire  extremity,  and  every  right-thinking  white 
man  in  the  North,  and  especially  every  brave  Union  soldier, 
who  loves  his  wife  and  child  and  respects  the  virtue  of  wo- 
manhood, endorses  this  course  adopted  by  you.  All  the  good, 
righteous  and  business  people  of  the  North  now  admit  that 
the  1 6 carpetbag’ ’ government  was  a fatal  mistake,  and  those 
who  are  informed  of  the  conditions  do  not  blame  you  noble 
Veterans  of  the  Gray  for  what  you  did  to  restore  decent  gov- 
ernment in  the  South.  This  was  in  truth  and  in  fact  the  end 
of  the  horrible  war.  From  this  moment  on  the  North  became 
more  and  more  tolerant,  and  the  soldier  on  each  side  now 
realized  that  this  foul  blot  on  the  national  government  was 
the  work  of  selfish  politicians  and  designing  demagogues  of 
the  North.  Those  who  would  again  revive  the  “bloody  shirt” 
would  be  scourged  from  the  public  life,  not  only  in  the  South, 
but  in.  the  North. 

Only  a few  days  ago,  in  the  American  Congress,  one  of  the 
old  “bloody  shirt  brigade”  hoisted  the  infamous  emblem  in 
the  House  of  Representatives,  and  was  laughed  to  scorn  when 
that  House  was  overwhelmingly  Republican.  Hollingsworth 
was  not  only  discredited  in  the  South,  but  throughout  the 
North,  for  his  uncalled-for  resolution. 

After  Reconstruction. 

Now,  ladies  and  gentlemen,  after  Reconstruction,  let  us 
look  for  a moment  at  our  marvelous  strides  of  progress  since 
we  came  into  our  own  again,  in  1875  and  1876.  To  do  this, 
let  us  make  a brief  comparison  of  our  resources  in  1860  and 
1870. 

Our  property  values  in  the  South  dropped  from  over  $5,000,- 
000,000  in  1860  to  $3,000,000,000  in  1870,  and  the  wealth  of  the 
whole  nation  had  increased  from  $12,000,000,000  to  $14,000,- 
000,000. 

South  Carolina  had  dropped  from  third  place  in  per  capita 
wealth  to  thirteenth,  and  Mississippi  from  fourth  to  thirty- 
fourth. 

The  State  of  Massachusetts  had  more  than  doubled  her  as- 
sessed values  during  that  period,  and  was  worth  one-half  as 
much  as  the  whole  South. 

From  the  census  reports  you  will  find  that  in  1860  the  value 
of  the  property,  not  the  assessed  value,  of  the  Southern  States 
was  about  $6,500,000,000,  and  in  1870  it  was  about  $4,500,000,- 
000,  wliich  is  a loss  of  $2,000,000,000. 

During  the  same  period  we  find  a startling  revelation  in 


10 


reference  to  New  England.  In  1860  the  value  of  property 
of  New  England  was  less  than  $6,000,000,000,  while  in  1870 
the  value  had  soared  up  to  the  stupendous  sum  of  over  $15,- 
000,000,000;  that  is  to  say,  that  the  Civil  War  added  to  these 
States  250  per  cent,  of  wealth,  and  left  the  South  50  per  cent, 
poorer. 

From  1870  to  1880  New  England  and  the  Middle  States  only 
increased  their  wealth  from  $15,000,000,000  to  $17,000,000,- 
000,  an  increase  of  only  13  per  cent. 

From  1870  to  1880  the  South  increased  her  wealth  from  $4,- 
000,000,000  to  $7,000,000,000,  an  increase  of  75  per  cent,  in  ten 
years;  and  all  of  the  increase  was  from  1875  to  1880,  after  the 
carpetbagger  was  driven  from  the  South. 

From  1890  to  1904  New  England  increased  her  wealth  40 
per  cent.,  and  the  Southern  States  increased  theirs  64  per 
cent.;  and,  if  you  take  the  Cotton  States  of  the  South,  from 
1890  to  1904,  the  increase  has  been  more  than  70  per  cent. 

The  South  has  done  all  this  with  no  pensions  and 'no  pro- 
tection. In  addition  to  this,  she  has  been  paying  her  part 
of  the  pensions  of  New  England  and  the  North,  and  been  bur- 
dened with  their  protection. 

Twenty  years  ago  she  had  no  cotton  factories  to  speak  of; 
now  she  leads  the  world  in  the  production  of  heavy  cotton 
goods,  and  her  spindles  have  outstripped  New  England  in 
the  consumption  of  raw  cotton,  and  she  uses  300,000  more 
bales  than  does  New  England.  She  is  doing  this  today  with- 
out any  protection,  comparatively,  upon  her  cotton  manufac- 
tures, because  she  sells  the  bulk  of  her  cotton  cloth  and  manu- 
factured cotton  in  the  open  market,  in  competition  with  the 
world. 

Startling  Statistics. 

But  I shall  again  refer  to  some  statistics  which  are  more 
eloquent  than  any  words.  I shall  begin  with  1880,  because, 
prior  to  that  time,  from  1865  to  1880,  the  Southern  people  dis- 
claim all  credit  for  what  happened,  except  from  1875  to  1880, 
and  the  statistics  are  hard  to  get  from  1875  to  1880. 

In  1880  the  total  value  of  the  manufactures  of  the  South  was 
$457,454,777,  and  in  1908  the  value  leaped  to  over  $2,550,000,- 
000,  or  an  increase  of  465  per  cent. 

, In  1880  the  capital  invested  in  cotton  mills  was  $21,000,000, 
* in  round  numbers,  and  in  1908  the  value  reached  the  marvel- 

ous sum  of  $266,500,000,  or  an  increase  of  1,169  per  cent. 

In  1880  the  South  only  had  667,000  spindles.  In  1908  she 
had  10,443,761,  or  an  increase  of  1,464  per  cent. 

In  1880  the  Southern  cotton  mills  consumed  217,380  bales 

if. 


of  cotton.  In  1908  they  consumed  over  2,119,040  -bales  of  500 
pounds  each,  or  an  increase  of  875  per  cent. 

In  1880  the  South  had  approximately  $3,800,000  in  cotton 
seed  oil  mills.  In  1908  she  had  approximately  $91,000,000,  or 
an  increase  of  2,268  per  cent. 

In  1880  the  South  produced  $39,000,000  worth  of  lumber, 
in  round  numbers.  In  1908  she  produced,  in  round  numbers, 
$368,000,000  worth  of,  lumber,  or  an  increase  of  837  per  cent. 

In  1880  the  South  produced,  in  round  numbers,  397,000  tons 
of  pig  iron.  In  1908  she  produced  3,446,000  tons,  in  round 
numbers,  or  an  increase  of  766  per  cent. 

In  1880  the  South  produced  180,000  barrels  of  petroleum. 
In  1908  she  produced,  in  round  numbers,  27,250,000  barrels, 
or  an  increase  of  over  15,000  per  cent. 

In  1880  the  South  produced  370,000  tons  of  coke,  in  round 
numbers.  In  1908  she  produced  9,300,000  tons,  an  increase  of 
2,395  per  cent. 

In  1880  the  South  had  20,000  miles  of  railroad.  In  1908  she 
had  67,000  miles.  14  is  fair  to  say  that  only  a small  part  of 
this  was  Southern  capital;  hut  it  is  Southern  energy,  labor 
and  products  that  make  them  pay. 

In  1880  the  value  of  the  farm  products  of  the  South  was 
worth  $650,000,000.  In  1908  they  were  worth  $2,223,000,000, 
or  an  increase  of  342  per  cent. 

In  1880  the  South  raised  5,700,000  bales  of  cotton.  In  1908 
over  13,500,000  bales,  or  an  increase  of  234  per  cent. 

In  1880  the  South  spent  for  public  education  $9,796,000. 
In  1908  she  spent  $37,690,000,  or  an  increase  of  285  per  cent. 

In  1880  the  real  value  of  the  property  of  the  South  was  $7,- 
500,000,000.  In  1908  the  real  value  was  $20,100,000,000,  an 
increase  of  over  165  per  cent,  in  twenty-eight  years. 

In  1880  the  South  had  invested  in  national  banks  $46,500,-  • 
000,  in  round  numbers.  In  1908  she  had  $162,550,000,  an  in- 
crease of  over  245  per  cent. 

In  1880  the  South  had  on  deposit  in  national  and  State 
banks  $147,177,000.  In  1908  she  had  on  deposit  $1,156,030,000, 
or  an  increase  of  685  per  cent. 

As  interesting  as  these  figures  are,  I will  not  weary  you 
with  more.  Suffice  it  to  say  that  the  statistics  all  along  the 
line  show  the  same  progress. 

But  I cannot  refrain  from  calling  especially  attention  to  one 
more  set  of  figures,  which  completely  answers  the  charge  that 
the  South  is  not  keeping  pace  with  any  portion  of  the  globe 
in  the  rate  of  increase  in  manufacturing,  and  when  you  con- 
sider the  odds  against  her  in  the  fight,  it  is  little. short  of  a 
miracle. 


12 


In  1880  the  South  had  invested  in  manufactures  only  $257,- 
000,000,  while  in  1908  she  had  over  $2,100,000,000,  an  increase 
of  over  715  per  cent,  in  twenty-eight  years. 

What  is  more  eloquent  than  the  cold  figures  above  given! 
What  answer  could  be  better  or  stronger  than  these  cold  facts  ! 
The  South  is  chided  about  standing  by  her  traditions,  and, 
thank  God,  it  is  true.  These  glorious  traditions  of  the  South 
> in  her  social,  political  and  religious  life  are  the  ark  of  the 

covenant  of  true  American  civilization.  Her  ideas  of  the  Con- 
stitution and  constitutional  limitations  are  laughed  at  by  dis- 
honest politicians,  who  would  put  their  hands  in  other  peo- 
ple’s pockets,  because  a proper  respect  and  regard  for  that 
instrument  and  the  oath  to  support  it  is  always  in  the  way  of 
those  who  would  have  special  privilege.  But  these  ideas  and 
traditions  have  not  been  in  the  way  of  her  progress,  as  the 
facts  above  stated  conclusively  show.  They  have  certainly 
not  retarded  her  progress,  for  as  soon  as  the  Southern  soldier 
put  aside  his  musket  he  took  hold  of  the  plow,  and  with  the 
same  courage  displayed  on  the  field  of  battle  he  faced  and 
fought  poverty  at  home,  > ut  against  what  terrible  odds ! Tim 
Civil  War  did  not  hurt  the  South  like  the  bloody  reconstruc- 
tion— or,  better  called,  “destruction.”  But  his  courage  and 
steadfastness  of  purpose  did  not  desert  him  even  in  this  trial. 
He  came  from  a stock  that  never  wore  a yoke. 

All  the  good  people  in  the  North  are  happy  in  their  hearts, 
and  proud  of  their  own  blood  when  the  thought  comes  to  them: 
‘ ‘ That  blood  of  the  South  that  would  not  brook  the  domination 
of  an  inferior  race  is  my  blood;  it  flows  in  my  veins;  the  best 
blood  of  all  the  ages,  and,  God  be  praised,  with  my  strong  arm 
and  all  my  power,  I could  not  humiliate  that  proud  people  in 
whose  veins  flow  that  blood,  and  make  them  subservient  to 
the  will  of  another  and  an  inferior  race.  ’ 9 There  is  not  a self- 
respecting  New  Englander  but  that  is  proud  and  happy  at 
the  thought.  He  would  blush  if  he  even  thought  that  the 
South  would  have  submitted. 

When  this  victory  was  over  and  the  Southern  man  was 
again  permitted  to  enter  the  fields  of  toil,  the  South  began 
to  prosper.  Her  cotton  fields  were  soon  ‘ ‘ whitening  under  the 
stars;”  her  fields  of  golden  corn  nodded  to  the  Southern 
breezes;  her  furnaces  glowed  with  new  light;  hammers  mak- 
* ing  music  in  her  shops;  spindles  singing  in  her  factories,  and 

from  Maryland  to  Texas,  ’mid  her  fruits  and  flowers,  the  old 
South  again  started  on  her  happy  way — the  same  old  South 
/ that  she  had  always  been.  It  was  the  same  old  march  of  prog- 

ress that  was  stopped  for  sixteen  years.  It  is  the  same  South, 


13 


with  her  lofty  and  uncompromised  principles  of  honor,  justice 
and  truth.  There  is  nothing  ‘ ‘ new. 9 9 All  of  her  advancement 
lias  been  made  without  her  changing  front,  and  she  will  con- 
tinue in  the  same  path,  true  to  her  traditions  of  honesty  and 
virtue. 

Pensions. 

There  is  one  fact  that  I would  call  your  attention  to — a fact 
not  often  referred  to  in  these  latter  days — and  that  is  the 
amount  of  pensions  paid  to  New  England  and  the  Middle 
States.  This  has  been  a great  help  to  these  States,  and  none 
of  the  Cotton  States. 

New  Hampshire  had  a population  of  411,000  in  1900,  and 
received  $1,196,000  in  pensions,  or  $2.90  to  every  man,  woman 
and  child  in  New  Hampshire. 

Maine  had  a population  the  same  year  of  694,000,  and  re- 
ceived in  pensions*  $2,816,500,  or  a little  over  $4.00  to  every 
man,  woman  and  child  in  the  State. 

Vermont  had  a population  that  year  of  343,500,  and  received 
in  pensions  $1,347,677,  or  a little  over  $3.92  for  every  man, 
woman  and  child  in  the  State. 

Massachusetts  had  a population  of  a little  over  2,805,000, 
and  she  received  in  1900  pensions  to  the  amount  of  $5,280,000, 
or  $1.88  for  every  man,  woman  and  child  in  the  State. 

Ohio,  with  a population  of  4,157,000,  received  in  nensions 
$14,657,000,  or  over  $3.50  for  every  man,  woman  and  child  in 
the  State. 

Mississippi  spends  $1,250,000  to  run  her  public  schools  for 
four  months.  If  Mississippi  received  only  one-fifth  of  the 
amount  which  Ohio  receives  each  year  for  pensions,  she  could 
relieve  herself  of  her  present  common  school  tax,  and  not  pay 
one  cent  and  run  her  schools  eight  months  in  the  year.  Mis- 
sissippi pays  one-fiftietli  of  the  total  pensions  paid  in  the 
United  States,  estimating  the  population  of  the  United  States 
at  90,000,000,  and  that  of  Mississippi  at  1,800,000,  which  is  ap- 
proximately correct.  Estimating  the  total  pensions  at  $140,- 
000,000,  Mississippi  would  pay  $2,800,000  into  the  Northern 
and  New  England  States.  If  Mississippi  could  retain  this 
money  at  home,  she  could  run  the  white  and  negro  schools 
eight  months  without  taxing  herself  a dollar. 

The  State  of  Kansas  gets  the  sum  of  $5,423,874.54  in  pen- 
sions, and  only  has  a population  of  1,500,000;  that  is,  a little 
over  $3.60  for  every  man,  woman  and  child  in  the  State  of 
Kansas.  If  Mississippi  received  this  much,  she  could  run  the 
whole  State  government  on  it  each  year  and  have  over  $2,- 
500,000  left  every  year;  in  other  words,  one-half  of  what  Kan- 


14 


sas  gets  in  pensions  would  run  our  entire  State  government. 
All  of  what  she  receives  for  pensions  would  not  only  run  our 
entire  State  government,  hut  would  pay  all  the  State,  county 
and  municipal  expenses.  The  amount  paid  is  taken  from  re- 
port -for  year  ending  June,  1907. 

Thus  it  is  with  all  the  New  England  and  Middle  States. 
While  they  are  receiving  all  these  amounts,  the  Cotton  States 
have  received  practically  nothing  from  the  Federal  govern- 
ment, and  have  been  taxing  themselves  in  their  own  States  to 
take  care  of  their  own  soldiers,  and  have  been  paying  enor- 
mous tribute  to  New  England’s  protected  manufactures. 

This  is  only  part  of  the  unequal  race  the  South  has  been 
running.  She  has  had  her  race  problem  on  her  hands.  But, 
notwithstanding  the  unequal  contest,  her  people  have  stayed 
“in  the  fields  of  toil,”  and  are  making  marvelous  strides  to 
the  front.  No  section  of  the  country  has  made  such  advance- 
ment with  such  burdens.  But  the  South  is  hearing  the  burden 
without  complaining.  She  is  fighting  her  own  battles.  She 
has  had  little  sympathy  from  her  Northern  sisters,  but  in 
the  future  I feel  that  a new  light  will  burst  upon  the  North. 
The  old  prejudices  are  rapidly  passing  away.  The  South  is 
being  better  understood,  and  men  better  informed  of  her  con- 
dition will  get  control  of  the  affairs  of  the  government;  men 
who  will  not  tolerate,  I hope,  this  injustice. 

These  are  but  a few  of  the  facts  and  statistics  showing  only 
a part  of  what  the  South  lias  done.  The  advancement  since 
1880  is  like  a romance.  The  figures  I have  given  only  tell 
part  of  the  beautiful  story  of  our  victory  in  peace.  This  vic- 
tory has  produced  its  heroes  as  well  as  the  war.  They  are  the 
patient  laborers  on  the  farm,  in  the  mills,  and  in  every  field  of 
industry  in  the  South.  They  are  sun-crowned  hands  of  toil 
who,  without  capital,  without  immigration,  without  encour- 
agement from  the  rich  of  the  earth,  have  reared  upon  the 
smoking  ruins  of  a destroyed  country  all  of  the  beautiful 
homes  that  adorn  the  hills  and  dales  and  cities  of  the  rehabili- 
tated Southland. 

From  Maryland  to  Texas,  what  a change  has  been  wrought 
in  one  generation!  There  is  nothing  to  compare  with  it  in 
all  the  annals  of  time.  It  is  not  our  soil,  the  most  fertile  on 
earth,  that  has  produced  the  changed  conditions  in  so  short 
a time;  nor  our  climate,  the  balmiest  and  best  on  earth;  nor 
our  mines  of  iron  and  coal,  the  richest;  nor  our  forests  of  pine 
and  oak,  the  most  valuable.  No;  not  all  the  abundance  of  our 
unlimited  raw  material.  It  has  been  the  character  of  her  men 
and  women  that  have  wrought  the  mighty  change. 


15 


“What  constitutes  a State? 

Not  high,  raised  battlements,  nor  labor’d  mound, 

Thick  wall  or  moated  gate; 

Not  cities  proud,  with  spires  and  turrets  crowned; 

Not  bays  and  broad-arm’d  ports, 

Where,  laughing  at  the  storm,  rich  navies  ride; 

Not  starred  and  spangled  courts, 

Where  low-browed  baseness  wafts  perfume  to  pride. 

No!  Men,  high-minded  men, 

With  power  as  far  above  dull  brutes  endued, 

In  forest,  brake  or  den, 

As  beats  excel  cold  rocks  and  brambles  rude; 

Men  who  their  duties  know, 

But  know  their  rights,  and  knowing,  dare  maintain, 

Prevent  the  long-arm’d  blow, 

And  crush  the  tyrant  while  they  rend  the  chain. 

These  constitute  a state.” 

So,  to  you  United  Confederate  Veterans,  and  to  your  wives 
and  daughters  of  the  South — not  “old,”  not  “new,”  hut  of 
the  South,  we  owe  the  present  prosperity.  We  owe  to  you  our 
everlasting  affections  for  making  every  foot  of  our  soil  the 
land  of  sacred  memories.  And  we  find  expression  for  the  sen- 
timent which  we  entertain  for  your  heroic  deeds  of  valor  in 
thus  consecrating  and  hallowing  our  soil  in  the  beautiful  sen- 
timent of  the  South’s  greatest  poet. 

‘ ‘ A land  without  ruins  is  a land  without  memories — a land 
without  memories  is  a land  without  liberty!  A land  that 
wears  a laurel  crown  may  be  fair  to  see,  but  twine  a few  sad 
cypress  leaves  around  the  brow  of  any  land,  and  be  that  land 
beautiless  and  bleak,  it  becomes  lovely  in  its  consecrated  cor- 
net of  sorrow,  and  wins  the  sympathy  of  the  heart  and  history. 
Crowns  of  roses  fade,  crowns  of  thorns  endure.  Calvaries 
and  crucifixes  take  deep  hold  of  humanity.  The  triumphs  of 
might  are  transient,  they  pass  away  and  are  forgotten.  The 
sufferings  of  Eight  are  graven  deepest  on  the  chronicles  of 
nations.  ’ ’ 

“Yes,  give  me  a land  where  the  ruins  are  spread, 

And  the  living  tread  light  on  the  hearts  of  the  dead; 

Yes,  give  me  a land  that  is  blest  by  the  dust, 

And  bright  with  the  deeds  of  the  downtrodden  just. 

Yes,  give  me  a land  that  has  legend  and  lays 
Enshrining  the  memories  of  long-vanished  days; 

Yes,  give  me  a land  that  hath  story  and  song, 

To  tell  of  the  strife  of  the  right  and  the  wrong; 

Yes,  give  me  a land  with  a grave  in  each  spot, 

And  the  names  in  the  graves  that  shall  not  be  forgot; 

Yes,  give  me  a land  of  the  wreck  and  the  tomb, 

There’s  a grandeur  in  graves,  there’s  a glory  in  gloom. 

For  out  of  the  gloom  future  brightness  is  born, 

As  after  the  night  looms  the  sunrise  of  morn; 

And  the  graves  of  the  dead,  with  the  grass  overgrown, 

May  yet  form  the  footstool  of  Liberty’s  throne, 

And  each  single  wreck  in  the  warpath  of  Might 
Shall  yet  be  a rock  in  the  Temple  of  Right!” 

Note. — The  statistics  are  taken  from  a speech  made  in  reply  to  Col,  Galderhead,  of  Kansas,  on 
th®  floor  of  the  House  of  Representatives. 


16 


